PT: A TRAGEDY LONG ANNOUNCED (full article under translation)

Boa parte da militância de esquerda no Brasil hoje ataca o PT, sejam ex-petistas organizados em outros partidos de esquerda, militantes de movimentos sociais e ex-militantes do PT soltos e desiludidos com os rumos e o caminho traçado por esse partido para chegar ao governo e administrá-lo para o grande capital.

A significant part of the leftwing people in Brazil today attacks PT (the  so-called “workers party”, social-democratic, opportunist party), wether these people are ex-members of PT that went on to other leftwing parties or ex-members of PT disperse and disappointed with the path taken by this party to be elected goverment and manage it in favour of big capital (capitalists).

Para entender o fenômeno PT, é preciso entender a história recente do Brasil, a luta de classes e como as classes dominantes traçaram os rumos da ditadura empresarial-militar até a abertura e a consolidação da hegemonia burguesa no fim da ditadura, em 1985.

To understand the PT phenomenon one needs to understand the recent history of Brazil, the class struggle and how the ruling classes projected the paths of the the military-capitalist dictatorship until the consolidation of the bourgeois hegemony at the end of the dictatorship in 1985.

Entre o final de 1970 e o início de 1980, parte da sociedade brasileira lutava contra a ditadura empresarial-militar instalada em 1964. A burguesia brasileira tinha como objetivo o processo de abertura com uma lenta transição democrático-burguesa, que tentou tirar de cena os setores mais combativos ao regime, em especial o Partido Comunista Brasileiro-PCB.

Between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s part the brazilian society fought against the military-capitalist dictatorship installed in 1964. The brazilian bourgeoisie had the aim of creating a opening process, with a slow bourgeois-democractic transition, that tried to take out of the picture the most militant sectors against the regime, specially the Brazilian Communist Party-PCB.

O PCB, através de suas organizações, conseguiu agregar os diversos setores descontentes com a ditadura; assim, começava o desgaste do regime e o aumento do prestígio das forças de oposição à ditadura. O PCB se torna o principal alvo dos órgãos de repressão, quando diversas organizações do Partido são atingidas, militantes e dirigentes do Partido são presos, torturados e assassinados e ainda hoje muitos constam entre os desaparecidos.

PCB, through its organizations, was able to gather the diverse sectors unhappy with the dictatorship, this is how the wearing out of the regime and the increase of the prestige of the opposition forces begun. PCB became the main target of the repression apparatus when several Party organizations were hit, cadres and members were arrested, tortured and murdered, many of them are still listed as disappeared. 

As ações do PCB na articulação das forças políticas contra a ditadura empresarial-militar foram fundamentais para o crescimento das manifestações de massa contra o regime. Foi nesse cenário, tão desfavorável para os comunistas, que começava a movimentação para formar o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). E o Partido dos Trabalhadores se beneficia diretamente do cerco e extermínio promovido pela ditadura contra o PCB.

The actions of PCB in the articulation of the political forces against the military-capitalist dictatorship were crucial for the growth of the demonstrations against the regime. It was in this context, very unfavourable to the communists, that the manouvres for the foundation of the Workers Party (PT) started to take shape. And the Workers Party benefits directly of the siege and extermination promoted by the dictatorship against PCB.

A Igreja Católica, através da Teologia de Libertação, e diversos grupos trotskistas encontraram no PT uma possibilidade de rivalizar com o PCB no movimento sindical. Não foi à toa que um colégio tradicional como o Sion forneceu espaço para a criação do PT, em 1980. Nesse primeiro encontro, o Partido dos Trabalhadores sequer falou em socialismo.

The Catholic Church through the “Liberation Theology” and the many trotskist groups found in PT a possibility to rival with PCB in the trade union movement. It was not by chance that a traditional institution like “Sion Highschool” (“Colégio Sion”) provided its space for the creation of PT in 1980. In that first meeting the Workers Party did not even mention socialism.

Os partidos de esquerda, principalmente os comunistas, sempre tiveram dificuldades para dialogar com as instituições religiosas por causa do comportamento conservador de alguns líderes. No entanto, o PT, desde sua fundação, sempre contou com o apoio de diversas instituições religiosas, não só dos católicos progressistas, mas também dos católicos carismáticos, assim como de protestantes, de onde veio, por exemplo, Benedita da Silva.

The leftwing parties, mainly the communists, always had dificulty to have dialogue with religious institutions because of the conservative bhaviour of some of their leaders. Nevertheless, PT, since its foundation, was always granted support from many religious institutions, not only from progressive catholics but also from charismatic catholics as well as protestants – from where Benedita da Silva came, for example.

O Partido dos Trabalhadores, em seu nascedouro, abrigou diversos grupos de diversas matrizes, militantes que vieram do PCB, PCBR, ALN, MR8, MDB, PCdoB e outros. Grupos da Igreja Católica e do chamado Novo Sindicalismo. Ao longo do crescimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores, as tendências foram se adaptando à máquina partidária; grupos trotskistas, como a Libelu e a Convergência Socialista, que mais tarde virou o PSTU, eram pequenos partidos dentro do PT. O PT já surge legalizado e permitido pela ditadura empresarial-militar em 1980, atrelado ao fundo partidário, contribuindo dessa maneira para criar uma militância ligada à legalidade burguesa.

The Workers Party, since its birth, took in several groups from diverse leanings, members came from PCB, PCBR, ALN, MR8, MDB, PCdoB and others [translator note: all of which except PCB and MDB were small guerrila groups during the dictatorship in the 1970s]. Also groups of the Catholic Church and of the so-called “New Trade Unionism”. Along the growth path of the Workers Party, trotskist groups like “Libelu” (“Liberdade e Luta”, “Freedom and Struggle”) and the Socialist Convergence (“Convergência Socialista” that later became PSTU, another trotskist party) were like small parties inside PT. PT emerges already legalized and tolerated by the military-capitalist dictatorship in 1980, trailed to the “parties’ fund” (translator’s note: meaning the bourgeois state’s fund given to legal parties), contributing in that way to create a party’s membership linked to bourgeois legality.

O apoio ao socialismo era muito vago e esporádico, tanto que, até hoje, o Partido dos Trabalhadores e suas diversas correntes não assumem o apoio que deram ao Sindicato Solidariedade, grupo político apoiado pelo Vaticano, pela “CIA e por toda a direita mundial”. Como ficou claro mais tarde, o Solidariedade era anticomunista, inimigo dos trabalhadores, um grupo que lutava para restaurar o capitalismo na Polônia. Durante o governo Lech Walesa, Lula e Lech, ambos católicos, foram recebidos pelo Papa João Paulo II, de linha conservadora, inimigo declarado do socialismo e da Teologia da Libertação.

The support given to socialism was very vague and sporadic, whereby until today the Workers Party and its several tendencies do not acknowledge the support they gave to the trade union Solidarnosc, a political group supported by the Vatican, the “CIA and all the world rightwing”. As it became clear later, Solidarnosc was anti-communist, enemy of the workers and a group struggling to reinstate capitalism in Poland. During the government of  Lech Walesa Lula and Lech, both catholics,  went to meet Pope John Paul II, who was from a conservative leaning and a outspoken enemy of socialism and the Liberation Theology.

No movimento sindical, o PT, quando surgiu, se apresentava como o novo, a grande novidade do movimento operário e sindical no Brasil. Começava procurando falsificar a história das lutas dos trabalhadores como se elas tivessem começado nos anos 1970 e que o PT era o primeiro partido operário no Brasil. Em nome do novo, o Partido dos Trabalhadores procurava não só combater a era Vargas e a estrutura sindical atrelada ao Estado, com os sindicatos hegemonizados pelos chamados pelegos, mas procurava também combater os comunistas, que eram, naquela conjuntura, seus principais inimigos a serem combatidos, não só por setores católicos conservadores anticomunistas de onde veio o Lula, como também por elementos ex-PCB e por grupos trotskistas, que precisavam, naquele momento, combater a velha capacidade de influência e articulação do PCB no meio sindical.

In the trade union movement PT, when it emerged, presented itself as new, as the great n novelty in the labor and trade union movement of Brazil. PT was launched trying to forge the history of workers’ struggles as if they started in the 1970s and as if PT as the first working class party of Brazil. In the name of the novelty, the Workers Party tried not only to fight (overcome) the trade union structure of the Vargas era [translator note: Vargas was a sort of brazilian Perón between the 1930s and 1950s, he was a populist caudillo, fascist dictator and social-democrat opportunist, all in one] which were trailed to the state (these were the trade unions called “pelegos”, meaning scabs, sell outs, capitalist agents) but also tried to fight the communists. In that context the brazilian communists were fought – as the main enemies – not only by the conservative catholic layers (from where Lula came from) but also by the ex-members of PCB and by the trotskist groups that needed in that moment to weaken or defeat the old great influence and articulation of PCB in the trade union movement.

O cerco promovido pela ditadura empresarial-militar contra o PCB provocou perda de sua influência no movimento sindical, ajudando o Partido dos Trabalhadores, que se valeu também dos erros táticos do PCB entre o fim da década de 1970 e o início de 1980. O Partido dos Trabalhadores foi legalizado a tempo de concorrer às eleições de 1982, ainda durante a ditadura, enquanto o PCB só se tornou legal após o fim da ditadura.

The siege against PCB promoted by the military-capitalist dictatorship provoked its loss of influence in the trade union movement. That helped the Workers Party, that also took advantage of the tactical mistakes of PCB between the end of the 1970s and the beginnings of the 1980s. The Workers Party was legalized in time to run in the 1982 elections yet during the dictatorship while PCB only became legal after the end of the dictatorship.

“The the 7th congress of the PCB (brazilian communist party), made in november 1982, in the Publishing house Novos Rumos in the Praça (Square) Dom José Gaspar, was invaded by the federal police, the Party and its members and cadres were charged under the fascist National Security Law. Meanwhile, in 1982, the PT members walked freely, using their solidarnosc shirts and speaking nonsense against socialism and the communists.

The so-called «New Trade Unionism», that emerged on the strikes of São Paulo’s ABC (major industrial area), denied all the past that the Communist Party built. Its enemies were not only the Vargas era scabs but mainly the communists. Lula himself declared that the major obstacle for the creation of the Workers Party (PT) was the existance of the PCB, given that at the time PCB was the major political force in the trade unions. With rights and wrongs, since the decade of the 1920s, the communists were the ones presenting a clear program of rupture with the capitalist system. PT, since its birth, always presented a diffuse (abstract) program, it never assumed itself as social-democrat.”

(to be continued…)

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One thought on “PT: A TRAGEDY LONG ANNOUNCED (full article under translation)

  1. Pingback: PT: A TRAGEDY LONG ANNOUNCED (part 2, final part) | Pelo Anti-Imperialismo

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